On Mon, Nov 08, 2004 at 09:46:50AM -0800, John Tra wrote:
Qui te dit que les ivoiriens s'entretueraient ?
Par exemple Human Right Watch, une organisation Américaine qu'on ne pourra donc
pas accuser de partialité en faveur des Français et qui nous fait dans le
rapport "Accountability for Serious Human Rights Crimes Key to Resolving
Crisis" paru en Octobre le bilan de ce qui s'est passé. Il y en a pour tout le
monde :
http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/cote1004/index.htm
VIOLATIONS BY IVORIAN REBEL FORCES
The Forces Nouvelles have also attacked and killed civilians suspected of
supporting the government or ruling political party, enemy combatants and
officials and, more recently, suspected rivals and their supporters in clashes
between two rebel factions. In 2002-2003 Liberian and Sierra Leonean fighters
allied to the MPIGO and MJP committed numerous abuses against civilians in the
west, including killings, rape, and systematic looting of civilian property.
All Ivoiran rebel factions have frequently recruited and used child
combatants.6 The New Forces presently exercise military, economic, and
administrative control over some fifty percent of the country. Several notable
incidents involving rebel factions are as follows:
# MPCI forces summarily executed over fifty gendarmes and members of their
families in Bouaké in October 2002, and executed dozens of other government
officials, government supporters, and members of civilian self-defense
committees in other locations in the north and west.
# Members of the Ivorian rebel groups and Liberian recruits allied to the MPIGO
group were responsible for the summary executions of dozens of Ivorian
civilians in the west, including at least forty civilians killed in Dah village
in March 2003.
# In 2002-2003 Liberian fighters linked to the former government in Liberia of
Charles Taylor and allied to the MPIGO rebel groups systematically looted the
property of civilians around Danané, Zouan-Hounien, and Toulepleu and committed
numerous executions and other serious acts of violence against civilians.
# Some 100 people were allegedly executed or died in detention in and around
Korhogo in June 2004 during clashes between supporters of rebel leader
Guillaume Soro and rival counterpart Ibrahim Coulibaly.
VIOLATIONS BY GOVERNMENT AND PRO-GOVERNMENT FORCES
During the internal conflict from September 2002 through January 2003, and
during the political impasse that has followed, Ivorian state security forces
and other pro-government forces, including government-recruited Liberian
mercenaries, frequently and sometimes systematically executed, detained, and
attacked those perceived to be supporters of the rebel forces based on ethnic,
national, religious and political affiliation. Militia groups, tolerated if not
encouraged by state security forces, have engaged in widespread targeting of
the immigrant community, particularly village-based Burkinabé agricultural
workers in the west.
Violations of human rights and humanitarian law committed by state security
forces and their associated militias include summary executions, political
assassinations, torture, rape and other sexual violence, violations of medical
neutrality, the wanton destruction of civilian property, physical attacks and a
crackdown on the press, and the use of child soldiers.4
Since 2000, the government has increasingly relied on pro-government militias
for both law enforcement and, since 2002, to combat the rebellion. During the
conflict in 2002-2003, the Ivorian government's policy of encouraging civilians
to form self-defense committees and participate in security tasks such as
manning checkpoints, and their failure to hold them accountable for abuses, has
contributed to the growth and impunity of these groups in Abidjan and the rural
areas. Drawn mainly from youth supporters of the FPI, these groups are a
lightly-veiled mechanism to intimidate and abuse members of the political
opposition and those, who by virtue of their religion, ethnicity and/or
nationality, were thought to oppose the government (most notably Muslims,
northerners, and West African immigrants mostly from Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali,
and Guinea).
Since 2002, thousands of militant youth, the majority from Gbagbo’s Bete ethnic
group have enlisted into the state security forces, including the gendarmerie,
police, and military. Some of the more militant members of these institutions
simply refuse to obey orders from their superiors. This leads to a rather
confusing picture with respect to the security forces responsible for recent
abuses, especially given that perpetrators sometimes don’t wear identifying
insignia. Their numbers, estimated to be in the tens of thousands, could easily
exceed the numbers of the national army or combatants from the Forces
Nouvelles.5
Several notable atrocities allegedly committed by Ivorian security forces and
other pro-government forces, are as follows:
* In an October 2002 police operation in Daloa, over fifty northern and
immigrant civilians were executed, allegedly by the Anti-Riot Squad (Brigade
Anti-Emeute, BAE.)
* In an attack by government forces on Monoko Zohi in November 2002, at
least one hundred civilians, mainly West African immigrants, were killed and
buried in mass graves.
* During the government occupation of Man in December 2002, dozens of
opposition and suspected rebel supporters were executed in reprisal killings.
* In 2002-3, government security forces carried out both indiscriminate and
targeted attacks on civilians, killing at least fifty civilians in the west
through their use of helicopter gunships.
* Liberians from the Ivorian refugee camps and from the Movement for
Democracy in Liberia (MODEL) rebel faction participated in dozens of killings,
rapes, and other acts of violence against civilians in and around Toulepleu,
Bangolo and Blolékin. At least sixty civilians were killed in the worst single
incident documented in Bangolo in March 2003.
* Between March 24-26, 2004, at least 105 civilians were killed, 290 were
wounded, and some 20 individuals “disappeared” after being taken into custody
by the security forces (military, gendarmes, and police), pro-government
militias, and FPI party militants around the time of an anti-government
demonstration planned by opposition groups.
ceux qui ont brandi le spectre du genocide l'ont
utilise par strategie politique. Le nord rejette la
rebellion, le sud rejette la rebellion, alors en quoi
l'armee nationale qui va butter une rebellion que
personne ne veut a part ceux qui en profite cree une
situation de guerre civile? en 3 jours la rebellion
etait vaincue. elle n'existe plus, mais la France
savait aussi qu'avec Gbagbo comme seul interlocuteur
elle etait en voie de perdre la CI, et elle a attaque
pour tenter de sauver la rebellion... C'est ce qui se
passe.
Tu penses vraiment que la France aurait quoi que ce soit à gagner à ce que l'un
ou l'autre soit au pouvoir ? Que les gains éventuels justifient une coûteuse
opération militaire de longue durée ? Ca me paraît très peu probable. Mais je
suis prêt à étudier des sources allant dans ce sens (pas la presse Abidjanaise
évidemment...)
Les ivoiriens ne sont pas si idiots au point de se
tuer. Ceux des enfants qui meurent en ce moment sont
aussi du nord comme du sud.
Le Ivoiriens en général sont certainement comme l'essentiel des hommes dans le
monde entier : ils ne tiennent pas particulièrement à mourir. Mais les hommes
politiques qui les gouvernent semblent ne pas être trop encombrés de scrupules
lorsqu'il s'agit d'envoyer la jeuness du pays accomplir leur basses besognes au
nom de la fierté nationale.
De meme que je n'ai pas besoin de l'assistance de Liotier ou de Daniel pour
gerer ma vie autant la CI n'a pas besoin d'assistance de la France.
Tu sembles taxer la France de paternalisme. Je vois plutôt son attitude comme
le geste de celui qui refuse de laissee son ami faire une bêtise. C'est ça
aussi l'amitié.